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Reclaiming the soul of the legal profession in Nigeria – Dr. Muiz Banire SAN

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In my last intervention, I interrogated the challenges confronting dispensation of justice in Nigeria, particularly the disturbing gap between judgments delivered and justice perceived. Today, I take the conversation a step further, perhaps into a more uncomfortable territory, by examining the role of legal practitioners themselves in the steady erosion of the justice system. If the court is the temple of justice, then lawyers are its ministers; and when ministers abandon their sacred calling, the temple itself becomes desecrated. It is a settled principle, both in legal philosophy and professional ethics, that a lawyer is not merely an advocate for his client but a custodian of justice.

This dual responsibility is what distinguishes the legal profession from mere commercial enterprise. It is for this reason that the Rules of Professional Conduct were not fashioned as ornamental guidelines but as a binding ethical compass meant to regulate conduct, preserve dignity, and ensure that the administration of justice remains untainted. Regrettably, what we witness today suggests that these rules, though elaborate on paper, have become increasingly impotent in practice. The first, and perhaps most disturbing manifestation of this decline is the growing complicity of lawyers in acts of corruption within the judiciary. Much has been said about judicial corruption, and rightly so, for judges occupy a sacred pedestal. Although the truth remains that a substantial number of our judges are free of this vice, it would be both dishonest and self-deceptive to isolate even the few judges involved in this nefarious act as the sole culprits.

The uncomfortable truth is that, in many instances, some lawyers are the architects, facilitators, and couriers of these corrupt practices. Lawyers, in many cases, are the unseen hands that initiate and sustain this corrosive chain. Even in situations where judges deliver questionable or “curious” orders, a closer interrogation often reveals that such outcomes are rooted in processes crafted and presented by lawyers themselves. It is equally lawyers who, in such instances, make the dangerous submissions culminating in those judicial conclusions. The court, after all, is largely reactive; it acts on the materials placed before it.
When those materials are tainted, whether through misrepresentation, suppression of facts, or outright falsification, the integrity of the judicial outcome is already compromised ab initio. It is therefore intellectually lazy to heap all blame on the bench while ignoring the pivotal role of the bar.

Closely related to this is the rampant abuse of court process by legal practitioners. The Nigerian judicial system today groans under the weight of frivolous suits, multiplicity of actions, and interlocutory applications designed not to advance the course of justice but to frustrate it. Lawyers file cases they know are untenable, pursue applications that lack merit, and deploy procedural technicalities as weapons of delay. Litigation, in many instances, has become less about the pursuit of justice and more about strategic obstruction. The courts are thus transformed into arenas of endless technical battles, while substantive justice remains perpetually out of reach. It is only at the level of the Supreme Court, particularly with the introduction of more stringent procedural rules, that we begin to see a semblance of deterrence against such abuses. Yet even this is insufficient to stem the tide at the lower courts, where the bulk of litigation occurs and ends in many cases. The consequence is a justice system that is not only slow but, more dangerously, susceptible to manipulation. Perhaps even more alarming is the increasing involvement of some lawyers in outright fraud and criminal conduct. What was once considered unthinkable within the profession is now becoming distressingly common.

Lawyers fabricate documents, falsify court processes, and deliberately mislead the courts. Imagine a factual situation in which a lawyer attaches a purported order of mareva injunction to a counter-affidavit and urges the court to rely on it, while in actual fact, the attached document evidences the refusal of the prayers sought in the said suit. The anecdote is simply that of a lawyer presenting a ruling of a court that clearly refused reliefs as though the court granted them. This is not an isolated incident but part of a broader pattern of ethical decay. That such an attempt nearly succeeded, but for the vigilance of opposing counsel, speaks volumes about how close the system often comes to being subverted. Similarly, the compromise of court registries to underpay filing fees represents another dimension of this malaise. It is not merely a case of individual dishonesty but a systemic breach involving both legal practitioners and court officials.

When officers of the court collude to defraud the very institution they are sworn to serve, the implications extend beyond financial loss; they strike at the very legitimacy of the judicial process. Equally troubling is the emerging trend of lawyers engaging in fraudulent commercial activities under the guise of legal practice. The example of a lawyer who, having sold non-existent land and refused to refund the purchase money, sought refuge under the canopy of fundamental human rights enforcement is both shocking and instructive. It illustrates a profound misunderstanding, or perhaps a willful distortion, of the law. Fundamental rights provisions are designed as shields against state oppression, not as swords for evading personal accountability. That a legal practitioner would attempt to weaponize such provisions for personal gain reflects a troubling erosion of both ethical judgment and professional identity. It is common knowledge that it is not only professional misconduct in such situations to engage in such dubious real estate practices, but outright criminality to swindle an innocent citizen. Notwithstanding the deprecation of this practice in some decisions of the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee, the vice is still on the rise.
The sanction certainly needs to be stiffer than it is presently imposed by the Committee. This brings us to the question of enforcement and accountability. Why are erring lawyers not consistently referred to the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC)? Why does misconduct, even when glaring, often go unpunished? The answer lies partly in institutional weakness and partly in collective reluctance. There appears to be an unspoken culture of professional indulgence, where lawyers are hesitant to expose or sanction their own. In many instances, lawyers shy away from filing complaints against their erring and errant colleagues, while judges equally fail to refer such lawyers to the disciplinary committee.

The LPDC itself, while constitutionally empowered, appears overstretched and under-resourced. There is an urgent need to strengthen its capacity, both in terms of personnel and operational efficiency. Disciplinary processes must be swift, transparent, and consequential. Without credible sanctions, ethical rules become mere suggestions, and misconduct becomes normalized. Concomitant with the foregoing is the power of contempt exercisable by the court. Ordinarily, this ought to be another check on the excesses of lawyers and parties. Let me say, without equivocation, that most judges hardly exercise this power, particularly when contempt in the face of the court is committed.
This has further emboldened many lawyers to continue to misbehave. The truth is that it is not accidental that judges are referred to as “My Lords”; it is simply because they possess enormous judicial authority, historically described in terms of life and death over matters brought before them. It is regrettable that in some instances where this power is exercised, the bar association and some lawyers respond with a form of institutional infantilism. Even where a judge exercises the power wrongly, the victim is at liberty to appeal; grandstanding is certainly not an option. At times, it appears that where a lawyer exercises madness, the judge responds in equal measure, suggesting that nobody has monopoly of madness. We must recognize that judges too are human beings.

We must all, at all times, condemn misconduct and deprecate the misbehaviour of our colleagues if this profession must survive. Beyond disciplinary mechanisms, there is a more foundational issue, the quality of legal education in Nigeria. The unchecked proliferation of law faculties, many of which lack adequate infrastructure and qualified personnel, has significantly diluted the quality of entrants into the profession. The situation is further compounded by the emergence of unconventional modes of legal training that prioritize convenience over rigor. When legal training becomes a subject of correspondence, there is a crisis. When schools of agriculture, as well as technology, now produce lawyers, then the profession is imperilled. When the foundation is weak, the structure cannot be strong. This reality lends credence to the growing call for law to be studied as a second degree, ensuring that entrants into the profession possess a certain level of maturity and intellectual grounding. Until such reforms are implemented, there is an urgent need to regulate the number of law faculties and the intake of students. Quantity, in this context, is not a virtue but a liability. The argument often advanced, that Nigeria’s large population justifies a high number of lawyers, fails to withstand scrutiny when juxtaposed with the country’s economic realities. A legal profession that produces more practitioners than it can meaningfully absorb, creates fertile ground for desperation and, by extension, unethical conduct. It is no longer news that some of our colleagues are now Uber drivers, while others operate hair salons or engage in event decoration. While there is dignity in all honest labour, the misalignment between training and opportunity represents a systemic failure that must be addressed. The most tragic dimension of this crisis is its cyclical nature.
Today’s poorly trained and ethically compromised lawyers are tomorrow’s judges. Thus, the very individuals who contribute to the degradation of the system at the bar may eventually ascend to the bench, further entrenching the dysfunction. It is a vicious cycle that, if left unchecked, threatens the very survival of the justice system. The question, therefore, is both urgent and existential: who will save the legal profession? The answer lies not in external intervention but in internal reform. The bar must rediscover its moral compass. Senior members of the profession must lead by example, mentoring younger lawyers not only in legal skills but in ethical responsibility. Professional bodies must move beyond rhetoric to decisive action. If practicable, there may even be a need for designated officials to move around courts, with full institutional awareness, to monitor ethical compliance and report breaches to the disciplinary committee where necessary.

Judges must be more proactive in reporting misconduct. And perhaps most importantly, individual lawyers must recognize that their ultimate duty is not to their clients alone, but to the course of justice itself. In the final analysis, the restoration of integrity in the legal profession is not merely a professional imperative; it is a national necessity. For without a credible justice system, the very fabric of society unravels. As we reflect on these issues, let us remember that there is a progressive loss of confidence in our profession, thus necessitating recourse to alternatives such as brute force and increasing reliance on security agencies. In not too long a distance, we will not only have no jobs to do again, we would have lost the profession itself. Something, indeed, must give way, and that something must be our collective intolerance for misconduct within the legal profession. Only then can we begin the arduous but necessary journey of reclaiming the soul of justice in Nigeria.

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Land grabbers and the erosion of property rights in Nigeria – Dr. Muiz Banire SAN

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The plight of innocent property owners at the hands of land grabbers has become one of the most disturbing trends in the country today. This menace demands the urgent attention of government, before it destroys public confidence in property ownership, law enforcement and the administration of justice altogether. The way these land grabbers now operate gives the frightening impression that in certain spaces,there is no government at all, or that where government exists, its institutions have become too weak, too compromised, or too indifferent to protect innocent citizens. This is not an exaggeration.
The brazenness with which some of these individuals operate makes one wonder whether the right to own property still enjoys the protection our laws promise.For many Nigerians, acquiring land is no ordinary transaction. It represents years of savings, sacrifice and deferred gratification. Some work their entire productive lives before they can afford a modest parcel of land on which to build a home. Some borrow money. Some sell other assets. Some pool retirement benefits, cooperative contributions and family resources.
Others inherit the property from generations before them. Whatever the route, land remains one of the most valuable assets available to the average Nigerian. It is therefore tragic that after a citizen has legitimately acquired land, paid the purchase price, secured documentation, perhaps even began development , a stranger can suddenly appear, mobilise thugs, and attempt to seize the property by force. In some cases, the lawful owner has been in peaceful possession for decades before armed persons arrive with bulldozers and a strange claim of ownership. Ordinarily, land disputes should be resolved through lawful process. Where two parties claim competing interests in the same property, the proper forum is a court of law: parties produce title documents, trace their roots of title, tender survey plans, call witnesses, and allow an impartial judge to decide who holds the superior interest.
That is what civilisation requires. That is what the rule of law demands. Unfortunately, the modern land grabber rarely begins with law. He begins with force. In the anatomy of land grab, the first line of attack is usually deployment of thugs. They invade the property, destroy fences, demolish structures, beat workers, chase away artisans, and sometimes establish a physical presence on the land, erecting makeshift structures overnight, apparently believing that possession violently obtained will later strengthen their claim. If intimidation succeeds, the matter ends there for the victim who lacks the resources or courage to resist. But where the owner holds firm, a more dangerous stage often begins: some land grabbers turn to unscrupulous security personnel for assistance. This is where the problem becomes truly alarming.
Law enforcement exists to protect citizens and prevent crime, not to serve as a private enforcement arm for anyone claiming ownership of a disputed property. Yet complaints abound of civil disputes being converted into criminal allegations simply to intimidate one party. Suddenly, the genuine owner receives an invitation from a police formation many kilometres away. Allegations of criminal trespass, malicious damage, forgery or threat to life begin to surface,often against a person who has occupied the property for years, sometimes decades.
Where the owner refuses to abandon his land, threats of arrest may follow, and are sometimes carried out. Citizens are detained, transported across jurisdictions, and forced to spend enormous sums on lawyers and logistics, all because they insist on defending land they legitimately own. This practice must stop. The criminal justice system must never become an instrument for resolving what are, at bottom, civil disputes. Where genuine criminality exists, forgery, violence, assault, destruction of property, law enforcement has every right and duty to intervene.
But ownership of land is primarily a civil question, and security agencies must resist being drawn into adjudicating it. The police station cannot substitute for the land registry or the courtroom. The emerging scenario is that the nefarious activity is now assuming a sophisticated criminal enterprise. The image of the land grabber as a neighbourhood thug with a handful of miscreants is now outdated. Today, many operate like organised criminal enterprises, with access to lawyers, surveyors, document processors and other collaborators.
Their operations often involve forged instruments, manipulated surveys, fabricated receipts, and doctored deeds. Recently, I encountered a case that laid this danger bare: documents presented as court judgments appeared to have been altered or outright forged for use in a property dispute. Pause and consider the implications. A court judgment is among the most solemn instruments in the administration of justice.
Citizens must be able to trust its authenticity. If criminal networks can fabricate or alter judicial decisions and deploy them as weapons in land disputes, we are no longer merely confronting land grabbing, we are witnessing an assault on the integrity of the justice system itself. This calls for urgent technological intervention. In this digital age, courts should be able to build secure platforms for verifying the authenticity of judgments and orders. Every judgment should carry features enabling independent authentication, so that lawyers, litigants, banks, government agencies and members of the public can confirm whether a decision exists and whether its contents match the official record. A system in which a fraudulent document can subject innocent citizens to years of litigation before detection is simply unacceptable, more so where even the certification is fake, or a court official is compromised to certify it as genuine.
The same concern applies to survey plans, which are central to land transactions. Allegations of fake, overlapping or manipulated surveys are common. A person may suddenly appear with a survey plan describing a piece of land another has occupied for decades, sometimes describing a far larger parcel than the original, fabricated specifically to hijack more land than was ever legitimately claimed.
Survey authorities must modernise their verification systems so that coordinates, survey numbers and records can be authenticated quickly; government can no longer rely on manual archives and bureaucratic procedures that leave the door open to manipulation. Land registries require similar reform. Land grabbing thrives on the opacity of land administration, incomplete or fragmented records, unregistered transactions left pending for years, the same property sold to multiple buyers, and, in some registries, officials who mutilate, alter or remove authentic documents from the record entirely.
All of this creates fertile ground for fraud. Nigeria needs a comprehensive modernisation of land administration: digitised property records, faster title searches, prompt verification of registered interests, and Geographic Information Systems integrated with land-registration databases, so that disputes or encumbrances are visible to any purchaser conducting a proper search. Government must make fraud difficult. The most concerning and worrisome aspect of the menace is when the courts become a weapon. The judiciary remains the legitimate institution for resolving property disputes, and recourse to court is entirely appropriate where genuine competing claims exist.
But the judicial process itself must not become another weapon in the hands of professional land grabbers. Too often, persons with questionable claims approach the courts with incomplete facts, fabricated documents, or carefully constructed narratives. Where proceedings are commenced without all relevant parties before the court, orders may be obtained that ultimately affect people who never had a chance to state their case.
Some judges, regrettably, fall for these tactics, a reality that demands vigilance and integrity from the bench. Applications involving possession, demolition, eviction or other irreversible consequences deserve particularly careful scrutiny. Courts should insist on full disclosure and clear proof connecting the applicant to the property in question.
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50 Major Achievements of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu

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  1. 𝗙𝘂𝗲𝗹 𝗦𝘂𝗯𝘀𝗶𝗱𝘆 𝗘𝗹𝗶𝗺𝗶𝗻𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Abolished the decades-long petrol subsidy in May 2023 to save trillions of Naira for public investments. HE ELIMINATED THE CORRUPTION IN THAT SECTOR.
  2. 𝗙𝗼𝗿𝗲𝗶𝗴𝗻 𝗘𝘅𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗻𝗴𝗲 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝗳𝗶𝗰𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Collapsed multiple FX windows into a market-driven system to stabilize foreign direct investment inflows. HE ELIMINATED THE ROUND-TRIPPING CORRUPTION.
  3. 𝗗𝗲𝗯𝘁 𝗕𝘂𝗿𝗱𝗲𝗻 𝗥𝗲𝗱𝘂𝗰𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Slashed Nigeria’s debt service-to-revenue ratio from a critical 97% to below 50%.
  4. 𝗙𝗼𝗿𝗲𝗶𝗴𝗻 𝗘𝘅𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗻𝗴𝗲 𝗗𝗲𝗯𝘁 𝗖𝗹𝗲𝗮𝗿𝗮𝗻𝗰𝗲:
    Successfully cleared over $10 billion in legacy foreign exchange liabilities to boost investor confidence.
  5. 𝗦𝘂𝗿𝗴𝗲 𝗶𝗻 𝗘𝘅𝘁𝗲𝗿𝗻𝗮𝗹 𝗥𝗲𝘀𝗲𝗿𝘃𝗲𝘀:
    Rebuilt Nigeria’s external reserves, pushing them past $54 billion, the highest mark since 2019.
  6. 𝗧𝗿𝗮𝗱𝗲 𝗦𝘂𝗿𝗽𝗹𝘂𝘀 𝗘𝘅𝗽𝗮𝗻𝘀𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Achieved a historic ₦7.46 trillion trade surplus, as reported in Q2 2025 financial disclosures.
  7. 𝗠𝗮𝗻𝘂𝗳𝗮𝗰𝘁𝘂𝗿𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗘𝘅𝗽𝗼𝗿𝘁 𝗦𝗽𝗶𝗸𝗲:
    Orchestrated a 173% jump in manufactured goods exports through relaxed trade corridor regulations.
  8. 𝗡𝗼𝗻-𝗢𝗶𝗹 𝗥𝗲𝘃𝗲𝗻𝘂𝗲 𝗕𝗼𝗼𝘀𝘁:
    Diversified government earnings, generating record non-oil revenue growth of 24.7% in Q1 2025 alone.
  9. 𝗧𝗮𝘅 𝗕𝗮𝘀𝗲 𝗕𝗿𝗼𝗮𝗱𝗲𝗻𝗶𝗻𝗴:
    Raised the tax-to-GDP ratio from under 10% to 13.5% without increasing tax burdens on low-income families.
  10. 𝗙𝗔𝗔𝗖 𝗔𝗹𝗹𝗼𝗰𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗚𝗿𝗼𝘄𝘁𝗵:
    Expanded Federal Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) monthly distributions by 90%, peaking at a record ₦3.007 trillion.
  11. 𝗦𝘁𝗼𝗰𝗸 𝗠𝗮𝗿𝗸𝗲𝘁 𝗕𝗼𝗼𝗺:
    Presided over a historic surge in the NGX All-Share Index from about 53,000 points to over 250,000 points.
  12. 𝗧𝗮𝘅 𝗥𝗲𝗳𝗼𝗿𝗺 𝗕𝗶𝗹𝗹𝘀 𝗜𝗻𝘁𝗲𝗴𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Enacted four comprehensive tax bills to simplify multiple taxation and modernize national tax compliance.
  13. 𝗡𝗲𝘁 𝗘𝘅𝗽𝗼𝗿𝘁𝗲𝗿 𝗠𝗶𝗹𝗲𝘀𝘁𝗼𝗻𝗲:
    Shifted Nigeria’s trade dynamics toward becoming a net exporter for the first time in consecutive quarters.
  14. 𝗟𝗮𝗴𝗼𝘀-𝗖𝗮𝗹𝗮𝗯𝗮𝗿 𝗖𝗼𝗮𝘀𝘁𝗮𝗹 𝗛𝗶𝗴𝗵𝘄𝗮𝘆:
    Commenced construction of the landmark 700-kilometre coastal highway linking major maritime and economic zones. Sokoto-Badagry Super Highway opening up so many areas, e.g., Oke Ogun and Ofiki area.
  15. 𝗘𝗹𝗲𝗰𝘁𝗿𝗶𝗰𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗦𝗲𝗰𝘁𝗼𝗿 𝗗𝗲-𝗺𝗼𝗻𝗼𝗽𝗼𝗹𝗶𝘇𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Signed the Electricity Act 2023, allowing states and private-sector groups to generate and distribute electricity.
  16. 𝗭𝘂𝗻𝗴𝗲𝗿𝘂 𝗛𝘆𝗱𝗿𝗼𝗽𝗼𝘄𝗲𝗿 𝗟𝗮𝘂𝗻𝗰𝗵:
    Successfully launched the 700MW Zungeru Hydropower Project to supply additional clean energy to the national grid.
  17. 𝗚𝗿𝗶𝗱 𝗖𝗮𝗽𝗮𝗰𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗘𝘅𝗽𝗮𝗻𝘀𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Added an emergency 625 megawatts of electricity to the national grid on May 3, 2024.
  18. 𝗦𝗲𝗰𝗼𝗻𝗱 𝗡𝗶𝗴𝗲𝗿 𝗕𝗿𝗶𝗱𝗴𝗲 𝗔𝗰𝗰𝗲𝘀𝘀 𝗥𝗼𝗮𝗱𝘀:
    Completed vital access roads associated with the Second Niger Bridge to improve connectivity across the Southeast. First Niger Bridge is being rehabilitated completely with CCTV.
  19. 𝗣𝗼𝗿𝘁 𝗠𝗼𝗱𝗲𝗿𝗻𝗶𝘇𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗣𝗿𝗼𝗴𝗿𝗮𝗺𝗺𝗲:
    Upgraded major ports, including Lekki, Apapa, Tin-Can and Onne, to improve their ability to handle large maritime vessels.
  20. 𝗣𝗼𝗿𝘁 𝗥𝗲𝘃𝗲𝗻𝘂𝗲 𝗔𝗰𝗰𝗲𝗹𝗲𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Increased national port revenue from about ₦424 billion in 2023 to ₦893 billion by 2024 through improved operations and customs processes.
  21. 𝗔𝗯𝘂𝗷𝗮 𝗠𝗲𝘁𝗿𝗼 𝗥𝗮𝗶𝗹 𝗥𝗲𝘃𝗶𝘁𝗮𝗹𝗶𝘇𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Completed and operationalized commercial services on the Abuja Light Rail, including an initial period of free passenger rides.
  22. 𝗥𝗮𝗶𝗹 𝗜𝗻𝗳𝗿𝗮𝘀𝘁𝗿𝘂𝗰𝘁𝘂𝗿𝗲 𝗦𝗲𝗰𝘂𝗿𝗶𝘁𝘆:
    Strengthened security and surveillance around railway infrastructure, contributing to improved safety on national rail networks.
  23. 𝗡𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻𝗮𝗹 𝗥𝗼𝗮𝗱 𝗥𝗲𝗵𝗮𝗯𝗶𝗹𝗶𝘁𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Repaired, reconstructed and expanded more than 2,700 kilometres of interstate roads and expressways.
  24. 𝗔𝗯𝘂𝗷𝗮 𝗨𝗿𝗯𝗮𝗻 𝗧𝗿𝗮𝗻𝘀𝗳𝗼𝗿𝗺𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Continued major urban renewal and infrastructure projects in the Federal Capital Territory, including the construction and completion of several flyovers and road projects.
  25. 𝗦𝘁𝘂𝗱𝗲𝗻𝘁 𝗟𝗼𝗮𝗻 𝗦𝗰𝗵𝗲𝗺𝗲 𝗟𝗮𝘂𝗻𝗰𝗵:
    Established the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) to remove financial barriers to higher education.
  26. 𝗡𝗘𝗟𝗙𝗨𝗡𝗗 𝗗𝗶𝘀𝗯𝘂𝗿𝘀𝗲𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁𝘀:
    Provided tuition and other educational support to more than 1.6 million students, with hundreds of billions of naira channeled to tertiary institutions. ₦322 billion disbursed as at 12/09/2026.
  27. 𝟯𝗠𝗧𝗧 𝗗𝗶𝗴𝗶𝘁𝗮𝗹 𝗦𝗸𝗶𝗹𝗹𝘀 𝗜𝗻𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗮𝘁𝗶𝘃𝗲:
    Launched the 3 Million Technical Talent (3MTT) programme to develop a large pool of digitally skilled Nigerians and strengthen the country’s technology sector.
  28. 𝗗𝗶𝗴𝗶𝘁𝗮𝗹 𝗬𝗼𝘂𝘁𝗵 𝗧𝗿𝗮𝗶𝗻𝗶𝗻𝗴:
    Trained and certified more than 100,000 young Nigerians in advanced areas, including artificial intelligence, cybersecurity and other emerging technologies.
  29. 𝗖𝗼𝗻𝘀𝘂𝗺𝗲𝗿 𝗖𝗿𝗲𝗱𝗶𝘁 𝗘𝘅𝗽𝗮𝗻𝘀𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Activated the Nigerian Consumer Credit Corporation (CrediCorp) to expand access to affordable consumer credit for vehicles, household assets and other essential purchases.
  30. 𝗬𝗼𝘂𝘁𝗵 𝗖𝗿𝗲𝗱𝗶𝘁 (#YouthCred):
    Launched a specialized consumer-credit scheme targeting young Nigerians aged 18–39, including NYSC members.
  31. 𝗖𝗿𝗲𝗮𝘁𝗶𝘃𝗲 𝗘𝗰𝗼𝗻𝗼𝗺𝘆 𝗗𝗲𝘃𝗲𝗹𝗼𝗽𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁 𝗙𝘂𝗻𝗱:
    Established the Creative Economy Development Fund (CEDF) to provide financing and capital support to artists, actors, filmmakers, musicians and other content creators.
  32. 𝗡𝗶𝗴𝗲𝗿𝗶𝗮 𝗬𝗼𝘂𝘁𝗵 𝗜𝗻𝘃𝗲𝘀𝘁𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁 𝗙𝘂𝗻𝗱 (𝗡𝗬𝗜𝗙):
    Restructured and expanded the NYIF to provide additional financing and support for young entrepreneurs and businesses.
  33. 𝗡𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻𝗮𝗹 𝗠𝗶𝗻𝗶𝗺𝘂𝗺 𝗪𝗮𝗴𝗲 𝗔𝗰𝘁:
    Signed a revised national minimum-wage structure, raising the federal minimum wage from ₦30,000 to ₦70,000.
  34. 𝗖𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗿𝗲𝘀𝘀𝗲𝗱 𝗡𝗮𝘁𝘂𝗿𝗮𝗹 𝗚𝗮𝘀 (𝗖𝗡𝗚) 𝗜𝗻𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗮𝘁𝗶𝘃𝗲:
    Introduced CNG-powered buses and established hundreds of conversion centres as part of efforts to reduce transportation costs following the removal of the fuel subsidy.
  35. 𝗖𝗼𝗻𝗱𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻𝗮𝗹 𝗖𝗮𝘀𝗵 𝗧𝗿𝗮𝗻𝘀𝗳𝗲𝗿𝘀:
    Expanded social-protection programmes to provide direct financial assistance to millions of vulnerable households.
  36. 𝗣𝗿𝗶𝗺𝗮𝗿𝘆 𝗛𝗲𝗮𝗹𝘁𝗵𝗰𝗮𝗿𝗲 𝗥𝗲𝘃𝗶𝘁𝗮𝗹𝗶𝘇𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Strengthened and rehabilitated Primary Health Care centres nationwide through the Basic Healthcare Provision Fund and other interventions.
  37. 𝗖𝗮𝗻𝗰𝗲𝗿 𝗧𝗿𝗲𝗮𝘁𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁 𝗜𝗻𝗳𝗿𝗮𝘀𝘁𝗿𝘂𝗰𝘁𝘂𝗿𝗲:
    Commenced the development of state-of-the-art oncology treatment centres across Nigeria’s geopolitical zones.
  38. 𝗣𝗮𝘀𝘀𝗽𝗼𝗿𝘁 𝗕𝗮𝗰𝗸𝗹𝗼𝗴 𝗥𝗲𝘀𝗼𝗹𝘂𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Undertook an emergency intervention to clear a large backlog of pending international passport applications.
  39. 𝗣𝗿𝗲𝘀𝗶𝗱𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗶𝗮𝗹 𝗠𝗦𝗠𝗘 𝗟𝗼𝗮𝗻 & 𝗚𝗿𝗮𝗻𝘁 𝗦𝗰𝗵𝗲𝗺𝗲:
    Disbursed billions of naira in grants and financial support to hundreds of thousands of micro, small and medium-sized businesses following the removal of the petrol subsidy.
  40. 𝗡𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻𝗮𝗹 𝗔𝗴𝗿𝗶𝗰𝘂𝗹𝘁𝘂𝗿𝗮𝗹 𝗚𝗿𝗼𝘄𝘁𝗵 𝗦𝗰𝗵𝗲𝗺𝗲:
    Expanded agricultural support programmes and distributed mechanization equipment and other inputs to farmers to improve food production.
  41. 𝗧𝗿𝗮𝗰𝘁𝗼𝗿 𝗗𝗲𝗽𝗹𝗼𝘆𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁:
    Acquired and deployed more than 2,000 agricultural tractors to promote mechanized farming and strengthen agricultural cooperatives.
  42. 𝗗𝗿𝘆-𝗦𝗲𝗮𝘀𝗼𝗻 𝗙𝗮𝗿𝗺𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗦𝘂𝗽𝗽𝗼𝗿𝘁:
    Provided financing and agricultural inputs for dry-season wheat, rice and maize production as part of efforts to increase food supply and moderate prices.
  43. 𝗦𝗼𝗹𝗶𝗱 𝗠𝗶𝗻𝗲𝗿𝗮𝗹 𝗠𝗶𝗻𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗠𝗮𝗿𝘀𝗵𝗮𝗹𝘀:
    Established a specialized security force to combat illegal mining and protect Nigeria’s mineral resources.
  44. 𝗖𝗼𝗮𝗹 𝗦𝗲𝗰𝘁𝗼𝗿 𝗥𝗲𝘀𝘂𝗿𝗴𝗲𝗻𝗰𝗲:
    Increased activity and investment in the coal-mining sector, contributing to significant growth in mineral production.
  45. 𝗟𝗼𝗰𝗮𝗹 𝗚𝗼𝘃𝗲𝗿𝗻𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁 𝗙𝗶𝗻𝗮𝗻𝗰𝗶𝗮𝗹 𝗔𝘂𝘁𝗼𝗻𝗼𝗺𝘆:
    Supported the historic Supreme Court judgment affirming the financial autonomy of Nigeria’s local government councils and direct access to their statutory allocations.
  46. 𝗧𝗲𝗿𝗿𝗼𝗿𝗶𝘀𝘁 𝗡𝗲𝘂𝘁𝗿𝗮𝗹𝗶𝘇𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Intensified military operations against terrorists and bandits, resulting in the elimination of thousands of insurgents and the neutralization of several high-profile commanders.
  47. 𝗠𝗮𝘀𝘀 𝗜𝗻𝘀𝘂𝗿𝗴𝗲𝗻𝘁 𝗦𝘂𝗿𝗿𝗲𝗻𝗱𝗲𝗿𝘀:
    Sustained intelligence-led military operations that encouraged thousands of Boko Haram and ISWAP fighters and their associates to surrender.
  48. 𝗠𝗶𝗹𝗶𝘁𝗮𝗿𝘆 𝗣𝗲𝗿𝘀𝗼𝗻𝗻𝗲𝗹 𝗪𝗲𝗹𝗳𝗮𝗿𝗲:
    Implemented upward salary adjustments and improved allowances and logistics support for members of the armed forces.
  49. 𝗡𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻𝗮𝗹 𝗜𝗱𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗦𝘆𝘀𝘁𝗲𝗺 𝗘𝘅𝗽𝗮𝗻𝘀𝗶𝗼𝗻:
    Expanded National Identification Number (NIN) registration, with more than 118 million Nigerians enrolled in the national identity system.
  50. 𝗥𝗲𝗴𝗶𝗼𝗻𝗮𝗹 𝗗𝗲𝘃𝗲𝗹𝗼𝗽𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁 𝗖𝗼𝗺𝗺𝗶𝘀𝘀𝗶𝗼𝗻𝘀:
    Established new regional development commissions to accelerate development across different parts of the country, alongside institutional changes aimed at strengthening regional development planning. NDC was a pioneer. It was established for the SS. All other regions now have their own under Tinubu.

𝗖𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗶𝗹𝗲𝗱 𝗕𝘆 𝑨𝒚𝒐𝒂𝒅𝒆 𝑫𝒂𝒗𝒊𝒅𝒔𝒐𝒏 𝑶𝒋𝒆𝒏𝒊𝒚𝒊 (12/09/2026).

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POLITICS AND LAWYERS: PRACTICE WHAT YOU PREACH – JUSTICE TAIWO (RTD.)

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I am a lawyer. I studied law and have remained in the practice of law in memory of my late mother, who paid for me to study law at Holborn Law Tutors in the UK. I eventually continued my legal education at the University of Ibadan and graduated from there. She paid almost £7,000 upfront for one year, which was the total tuition fee for one year at that private law school. I will be eternally grateful to her. May her soul continue to rest in perfect peace. We all know what the exchange rate would be today.

In her memory, I decided to remain in the practice of law throughout my legal practice and thereafter, even until now. I tried my hand at property marketing at one time, but I had to drop it, even though I made some money from it. I stopped because it was affecting my legal practice.

There is nothing you do, from my point of view, outside your profession that will not affect your profession. Politics is one of them. Politics itself is an art and a profession, but I must add that, if it is truly for the people and the betterment of the people, it is a good one.

One of the most respected politicians in this country was Chief Obafemi Awolowo, of blessed memory. He practised law and politics successfully, but he was more of a politician. He used his knowledge of law to better the lot of so many people during his lifetime, and, till today, his name remains a reference point in using politics to serve humanity.

Mahatma Gandhi was first a lawyer before he became a politician to serve his people. His name is known more in politics than in law.

Chief F.R.A. Williams was a politician until he dropped politics to devote his entire life to law. He was not a crossbreed. His pathological devotion to law can be seen and read in the political history of Nigeria. In legal practice, to which he committed his entire life after publicly renouncing politics, his invaluable impact is evident in law books, legal records and law reports. He was an enigma and an icon who will forever be remembered, like others too numerous to name, who stayed in the service of law.

The lawyer is meant to be the beacon of society. The lawyer’s creed is to ensure that society is governed according to the law. Chief Gani Fawehinmi was the people’s lawyer. He used the law to better the lot of society. His foray into politics was disastrous because the perception of the lawyer in practice and the lawyer in politics are not symbiotic. They are strange bedfellows.

The people may hail the lawyer in law, but not the lawyer in politics. The ingredients you add to the soup that make a lawyer are different from the ingredients you add to the soup that make a politician. Femi Falana, SAN, my dear friend, was in the same boat as the late Chief Gani Fawehinmi. I feel him more in law now than when he did both.

A lawyer is known to keep to his or her word. Robert Traver, in his book The Anatomy of Murder, stated thus:

“That’s what makes the practice of law, like prostitution, one of the last of the unpredictable professions—both employ the seductive arts, both try to display their wares to best advantage and both must pretend enthusiastically to woo total strangers.”

Joseph Story lived from 1779 to 1845. He was an American lawyer, politician and jurist who served as an Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court from 1812 until his death in 1845. He stated thus:

“I will not say….that ‘The law will admit of no rival’, but I will say that it is a jealous mistress, and requires a long and constant courtship. It is not to be won by trifling favours…”

Henry David Thoreau (1817–1862) was not a lawyer. He was an American essayist, poet and philosopher. He said:

“The lawyer’s truth is not Truth, but consistency, or a consistent expediency. Truth is always in harmony with herself, and is not concerned chiefly to reveal the justice that may consist with wrongdoing.”

I have gone through the lawyer’s creed, which is to uphold the rule of law, personal dignity and independence; to offer faithfulness, competence, diligence and good judgment while providing vigorous and honest representation without sacrificing professional ethics; to practise with fairness, integrity and civility, avoiding malicious tactics, unnecessary delays or abusive discovery; to show profound respect, candour and courtesy, ensuring that the search for truth and justice remains uncompromised; to the court or tribunal; to make justice accessible to the poor; and to protect the legal profession as a noble calling rather than a mere business.

I have gone this far in order to buttress the topic for discussion. The practice of law and politics can never converge. You cannot be a master of both. You can be successful in both, no doubt, but along the way, there are sacrifices that will most likely be at cross-purposes with the law.

Very few lawyers, like Chief F.R.A. Williams, of blessed memory, have sacrificed politics for law. The political lawyer will criticise anything, even when the law is clear that, without evidence, you are not expected to speculate.

Nowadays, many lawyers in politics take to the airwaves and the print media, especially in this era of social media, to generalise when making statements. How can a lawyer, trained in the practice of law, make general statements on any topic, especially these days when the judiciary, even in retirement, has become a topic for discussion without any evidence? How can people make general statements about Senior Advocates of Nigeria or lawyers generally?

It is pathetic that those who ought to know, by virtue of their level of education, professional qualifications and recognition in the legal community, are more guilty of this. How can a lawyer remain silent even when injustice happens in front of him and behind him, too, but he keeps quiet?

Many keep quiet these days because they want to satisfy their paymasters, even when it is glaring that the legal profession is suffering from their silence and/or complicity and complacency. These days, many voice personal opinions without let or hindrance for personal and political reasons. Some attack their professional colleagues, even the judiciary, when they cannot get what they want, but they must vent their anger on someone. Some are paid to attack or bring down their fellow colleagues, whether at the Bar or on the Bench.

I like the Yoruba language a lot. I am sorry I will not be able to interpret the idioms I will use:

“Tó bá máa jẹ Oshakala, jẹ Oshakala; tó bá máa jẹ Oshokolo, jẹ Oshokolo. Oshakala, Oshokolo kò yẹ ọmọ ènìyàn.”

“Arítení mo ń wí, àfi àpáàdì bó tiẹ̀ mọ́lẹ̀.”

“Kò sí ẹni tí a máa sí idi ẹ̀, tí a kò ní bá ẹ̀ẹ̀pà níbẹ̀.”

Apologies to those who will read this who are not Yoruba, or those who are Yoruba but do not understand these idioms.

To those who criticise, not out of holiness per se, not out of being a “straight” lawyer or simply out of a desire to be fair, but generalise in order to look good or elicit unmerited applause, look in the mirror and think back to whether you have not done anything you accuse others of doing.

In writing or criticising generally, come out, but most importantly, PRACTISE WHAT YOU PREACH BEFORE YOU CRITICISE.

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